| Kala Lagaw Ya | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Kalau Kawau Ya, Kulkalgau Ya, Kawalgau Ya – Lagau Ya | ||||
| Spoken in | Western and Central Torres Strait Islands, Queensland | |||
| Ethnicity | Mabuiag people | |||
| Native speakers | 3000–4000 (date missing) | |||
| Language family |
Pama–Nyungan
|
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| Language codes | ||||
| ISO 639-3 | mwp | |||
|
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Kala Lagaw Ya (correctly Kalaw Lagaw Ya [back/west+gen place+gen speech]; several other names; see below) is a language belonging to all the western and central Torres Strait Islands, Queensland, Australia. On some islands it has now largely been replaced by Brokan (Torres Strait Creole English). It has the highest speaker population of any indigenous language within Australian territory, with between 3000 and 4000 people speaking the language (Ethnologue) as their first language.
Before colonisation in the 1870s–1880s, it was the major lingua franca of the area in both Australia and Papua, and is still widely spoken by neighbouring Papuans and by some Aboriginal people. However many second (or nth) language speakers it has is unknown. It also has a koiné form, as well as a pidginised form. The koinè is fairly prevalent on Badu [Badhu] (Kala Lagaw Ya territory) and neighbouring Moa, particularly among younger people.
The language is known by several names besides Kalaw Lagaw Ya, most of which (including Kalaw Lagaw Ya), are strictly speaking names of dialects, spelling variants, dialect variants, and the like - and include translations of the English terms, Western Island Language and Central Island Language. The following list includes most of the commonest:
In literature on the language the abbreviations KLY (Kalaw Lagaw Ya), KKY (Kalau Kawau Ya), KulY (Kulkalgau Ya) and KY (Kaiwaligau Ya) are often used as abbreviations. In English, the most neutral and inclusive term is The Western and Central Torres Strait Language.
When speaking to each other, speakers generally refer to the language as Langgus Language or use phrases such as ngalpudh mulai- (KKY ngalpadh mulai-) , e.g. ngalpudh muuli, thanamunungu tidailai! (KKY Ngalpadh muli, thanamulngu tidaile!) Speak in our language so they don't understand!. Ngalpudh/ngalpadh literally means like us. The construction X-dh mulai- speak X-like is used to refer to speaking in a language, e.g. markaidh mulai- speak [in] English, zapanisadh mulai- speak [in] Japanese, dhaudhalgadh mulai- speak [in] Papuan, mœyamadh mulai- speak [in] Meriam Mìr, thanamudh mulai- speak like them, speak [in] their language. It is otherwise common for speakers to use nominal phrases like ngalpun ya (KKY ngalpan ya) our language to refer to the language when speaking to each other.
The other languages spoken in the Torres Strait Islands are the Meriam language and Torres Strait Creole.
Kala Lagaw Ya is spoken on all of the western and central islands of Torres Strait, between Papua New Guinea and the Australian mainland, though on some islands it has now been replaced by Brokan (Torres Strait Creole). Before Colonisation in the 1870s-1880s, the language was the major lingua franca of the area in both Australia and Papua, and there is some folk history evidence that the language was spoken as a first language in a few villages neighbouring Torres Strait in Papua. It was also formerly spoken by the Hiamu of Daru (Dhaaru) to the north-east of Torres Strait. The main body of the Hiamu (who were originally settlers from Yama [Yam Island] in Torres Strait) moved to the Thursday Island group to escape the Kiwai colonisation of the area.
Kalaw Lagaw Ya is conventionally classified among the Pama–Nyungan languages. But Mitchell (1995, 2011), Capell (1956), Dixon (2002) regard it as a mixed language with an Australian core substratum and Papuan and/or Austronesian overlays. The latter two researchers even reclassify it among the Papuan languages. The personal pronouns, for example, are all typically Australian, most kin terms are Papuan, and significant sea and agricultural vocabulary is Austronesian.
Kalaw Lagaw Ya has only 6% cognation with its closest Australian neighbour, Urradhi, with a further 5% "common" vocabulary [loans, and so on]) - and about 25% common vocabulary with its Papuan neighbour, Meriam Mìr. Of the 279 Proto-Paman forms given in Sommer 1969:62-66, only 18.9% have definite realisations in WCL, with a further 2.5% which may be present. One word that illustrates the problems of 'may-be' relationship is kùlbai (KKY kùlba) old, which may be a metathetic realisation of CA *bulgan big; old. Thus, where vocabulary is concerned, potentially 80% of the vocabulary of the language is non-Australian, and includes Papuan and Austronesian items (Mitchell 1995:9).
The following are a few examples of different word stock in WCL.
| Australian (Common Australian) |
Papuan (Proto–East Trans-Fly) |
Austronesian (Proto–Central District) |
|---|---|---|
| *nya-ga look naga+i- id. |
*sipi root sipi id. |
*gamo belly gamu body |
| *jana they thana id. |
*p[ae]- that. there pi-/pe- specifically yonder |
*waura south-east wœur(a) id. |
| *ganyarra reptile kœnara k.o. tree snake |
*gabo cold gabu id. |
*boro-ma pig bùrùm(a) id. |
| *galga spear kœlak(a) id. |
*biro side bero rib; side of boat, hill, river, etc. |
*pu[lr]i magic etc. puy(i) (older puuri) id. |
Oral tradition and cultural evidence recorded by Haddon (1935) and Laade (1968) shows that Austronesian trade and settlement in South-West Papua, Torres Strait and Cape York occurred, backed up by archaeological evidence (Bruno, McNiven, et al. 2004) and linguistic evidence - the languages have significant Austronesian vocabulary content (cf. Dutton 1972 and 1976, Verhoeve 1982), including items such as the following which are possibly or probably Austronesian.
| WCL | meaning | MM | meaning | Bine (Papua) |
meaning | Proto-Oceanic Austronesian |
meaning |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| maapu | heavy | (beberbeber) | (heavy) | mæpu | id. | *mapa | id. |
| paad(a) | hill | paser | id. | podo | id. | *pantar | id. |
| -gi | negative, privative |
-kak | id. | gika, lika |
id. | *ŋkeka, *leka |
id. |
| Wœy(i) OKY *wœri |
Venus | wer | star | wale | star | *waRi | sun |
| wœiwi | mango | waiwi | id. | wiwi | id. | *waiwai | id. |
| waaku | mat; sail | papék | id. | waaku | id. (WCL loan) |
*paqu | id. |
| waaru | turtle | (nam) | (turtle) | waaru | id. (WCL loan) |
*ponu | id. |
Some of the Austronesian content, as noted above, is clearly South-East Papuan Austronesian:
| item | WCL | Gudang (Australia) |
Kiwai (Papua) |
Motu (Central District, Papua) |
Proto–SE Papuan | Proto-Oceanic |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| nacre, mother-of-pearl | maay(i) (OKY maari) |
maari | mari | mairi | *mairi | ? |
| outrigger | sayim(a) OKY sarima |
charima | sarima SE Kiwai harima |
darima | *nsarima | *saRaman |
| pig | bùrùm(a) | ---- | boroma | boroma | *boro-ma | *mporok |
| rope, cord | wœru KKY wœrukam(i) |
uuru | waro | varo | *waro | *waro |
The linguistic history of the Torres Strait area is complex, and interaction of millennia has led to many layers of relationship between the local languages, including many words that are obviously common, though whether through trade or 'genetics' is another story. Examples of such words are the following, which through direct or indirect evidence from folk history and comparative linguistics appear likely to be loans from WCL into neighbouring languages.
Some "trade" words in Torres Strait area languages.
| WCL | Meriam Mìr | Kiwai (Papua) |
Aböb (Papua) |
Gudang (Australia) |
Urradhi (Australia) |
Anguthimri (Australia) |
Mpakwithi (Australia) |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| gii tusk, knife, tusk/knife-life formation |
gir tusk/knife-life formation |
giri tusk, knife, tusk/ knife-life formation |
? | ? | kiri/ghiri knife |
kiri knife |
kiri knife |
| sœguba tobacco |
sogob tobacco |
suguba tobacco |
? | ---* | tyughubha tobacco |
tyughubhu tobacco |
? |
| yœuth(a) long house, hall; church |
yìut church |
---- | ? | ? | yutha house |
---- | ---- |
| mœruka any strange four-legged animal |
---- | ---- | ? | ? | murruku horse |
? | marruku horse |
| mœrap(i) bamboo |
marep | marabo | ? | marrapi | marrapi | ? | marrapi |
| eso thanks |
esoau | ? | eso | ? | ? | ? | ? |
| paaudh(a) peace |
paud | ? | piuda | paaudha | ? | ? | ? |
| warup(a) drum |
warup | warupa | (w)arapa | warrupa | (w)arrupa | (w)arrupa | (w)arrupa |
| thuurik(a) cutting tool |
tulik | turika | turika Bine turi/turikæ |
? | thurriya crowbar |
thurriya crowbar |
thurriya crowbar |
However, any discussion of external relationships of WCL must also take into account the fact that there are tantalising resemblances between the Paman (Australian) and the Trans-Fly (Papuan) languages, that, though few, may be significant, and include forms such as those noted below, which include words that do not appear in WCL. Such resemblances can point to an deep-level relationship dating back to before the flooding of Torres Strait at the end of the last age, as well as to later contacts.
| Proto-Paman (or a specific North Cape York language) |
meaning | Proto-Trans-Fly | meaning | WCL | meaning |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| *kaalu | ear | *kuru | hear | kaura; kùrusai- (compounds only) |
ear |
| *ŋaa(na) | who | *ŋana | id. | ngaa | who; also nga- found only in the compound ngalaga where (lág(a) place) |
| *mini | good | *mi:nji | id. | miina | real, true, very |
| anha Urradhi, Gudang |
breath | *ŋana | id. | ngœna | id. |
| wintamwintama Urradhi |
star | *mpintom | id. | thithuy(i) OKY thithuri |
id. |
| *nyupun | one | *[]pan | id. | wœrapùn(i) ùrapùn |
id. |
| *pama | man, person | *pama | id. | --- | --- |
A comparison of the WCL, MM, Kiwai and Urradhi personal pronouns show similarities and differences in typology. In comparison to Urradhi, WCL has an archaic typology - or, rather, Urradhi has innovated. Kiwai, in comparison to the East Trans Fly languages, is aberrant in not having 1-2 pronouns, while MM is aberrant to itself in not having a dual and trial/paucal set of pronouns which correspond to its verb system. The WCL system in itself is essentially Australian:
| WCL (KKY dialect) | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| number | 1 | 1-2 | 2 | 3 |
| singular | ngai | ---- | ngi | nui masculine na feminine |
| dual | ngalbe | ngœba | ngipel | palai |
| plural | ngœi | ngalpa | ngitha | thana |
| Meriam Mìr | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| number | 1 | 1-2 | 2 | 3 |
| singular | ka | ---- | ma | e |
| non-singular | ki | mi | wa | wi, i |
| Kiwai | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| number | 1 | 2 | 3 |
| singular | mai | rai | nowai |
| dual | nimoto | rigoto | neito |
| trial | nimoibi | rigoibi | neibi |
| plural | nimo | rigo | nei |
| Urradhi | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| number | 1 | 1-2 | 2 | 3 |
| singular | ayu(va) | ---- | antu(va) | ulu(va) |
| dual | ampu(la) | ali(va) | ipu(la) | ula(va) |
| plural | (as dual) | ana(va) | (as dual) | (as dual) |
Note that most of the Trans Fly languages also have two-gender masculine-feminine systems, though not marked on the pronouns themselves. Wurm 1975:333-334.
However, even though the system has no real surprises for Australian linguistics, it is clear that WCL has innovated in the 1st and 2nd pronouns, which appear to have the following CA origins:
CA *ngali > ngœy [stem: ngœlmu-, ngœimu-] we, not you; and with stem extensions ngalpa you and I/we (old-style singing ngalipa/ngalepa), ngalbai/ngalbe we two (not you), (old style singing ngalebai/ngalibai)
CA *ngana+pulV > ngœba you and I.
The 2nd person dual and plural pronouns are clearly based on forms that literally mean you-two (ngipel) and you-they (ngitha[na]), in the same way as the demonstratives similarly mark the dual and plural (see further below in Nominal Morphology).
The WCL pronouns and their Australian origins:
| KLY | KulY | KY | KKY | Old KY (Kowrareg) |
Proto-Pama–Nyungan origin | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| I | ngay stem: nga- |
ngai stem: nga- |
ngai stem: nga- |
ngai stem: nga- |
ngai stem: nga- |
*ngayi |
| you and I | ngœba | ngœba | ngœba | ngœba | ngœba | *ngana+pulV 'we two, not you' |
| we two (not you) | ngalbay | ngalbai | ngalbai/ngalbe | ngalbe | ngalbe | *ngali+[?] 'you and me, you and us' |
| we (incl. you) | ngalpa stem: ngalpu- |
ngalpa stem: ngalpu- |
ngalpa stem: ngalpu- |
ngalpa stem: ngalpa- |
ngalpa stem: ngalpa- |
*ngali+[?] 'you and me, you and us' |
| we (not you) | ngœy stem: ngœlmu- |
ngœi stem: ngœlmu- |
ngœyi stem: ngœymu- |
ngœi stem: ngœimu- |
ngœri stem: ngœri(mu)- |
*ngali 'you and me, you and us' |
| you (sing.) | ni | ni | ngi | ngi | ngi | *NHina |
| you two | nipel stem: nipe- |
nipel stem: nipe- |
ngipel stem: ngipe- |
ngipel stem: ngipe- |
ngipel stem: ngipe- |
*NHina+pulV |
| you (pl.) | nitha stem: nithamu- |
nitha stem: nithamu- |
ngitha stem: ngithamu- |
ngitha stem: ngithamu- |
ngithana stem: ngithana(mu)- |
*NHina + *DHana 'they' |
| he | nuy stem: nu- |
nui stem: nu- |
nui stem: nu- |
nui stem: nu- |
nui stem: nu- |
*NHu- |
| she | na | na | na | na | na | *NHan- |
| they two | palay stem: palamu- |
palai stem: palamu- |
pale stem: palamu- |
palai stem: palamu-, Boigu pale stem: palemu- |
pale stem: palamu- |
*pula |
| they | thana stem: thanamu- |
thana stem: thanamu- |
thana stem: thanamu- |
thana stem: thanamu- |
thana stem: thanamu- |
*DHana |
| who | nga | nga | nga | nga | nga | *ngaaNH |
| what (no independent nominative-accusative form |
mi-, midhi- |
mi- | mi- | mi- | mi- | *miNHA 'food' (?) |
An examination of the various sub-systems (vocabulary, syntax, morphology) of WCL gives the following evidence of development:
Papuan (Trans-Fly) A little basic vocabulary, some abstract vocabulary, some verbs. Some grammar, such as verb number and different stems for different number forms of some verbs. Use of state/movement verbs as existential 'to be' verbs. Two non-personal pronouns : naag/naga how, namuidh / namuith when (both in KKY, the dialect of the islands off the Papuan coast).
Australian (Paman) Some basic vocabulary, all personal pronouns (inc. who and what/which), some verbs. Some grammar, such as nominal and verb morphology (subject, agent, object, genitive, -l locative, -ka dative in the dialects closer to Australia, perfective, imperfective, -iz(i) perfective intransitive-antipassive. (Note that these typological categories also exist in the Trans-Fly languages; the forms in WCL are clearly Australian).
Austronesian Some basic vocabulary, terminology dealing with agriculture, canoes, the weather, the sky and the sea, some abstract nouns, some verbs. Possibly some grammar in the form of function words, such as waadh (KKY waaza) existential emphasis (i.e. ‘it is true that...’).
The Australian word and structure forms found in WCL give every appearance of being retentions, i.e. inherited, in that the original Australian systems appear to be unchanged at the core level. That is to say, WCL is not a pidgin/creole in origin, but an Australian language which has undergone quite a bit of external lexical and grammatical influence.
Hence, in this respect, WCL appears to be a classic case of shift (Thomason and Kaufmann, 1978:212), whereby speakers of one language, over a long period of time, retained multilingualism while taking over the target language. The Papuan language gave relatively few words to WCL, but changed the originally Australian phonology and syntax profoundly. The contrast of Australian laminal nh/ny and lh/ly and apical n and l has been lost, voicing has become phonemic, and s, z, t, d, o and òò have been introduced. This also seems to have caused reanalysis in the phonology of Australian vocabulary, such that these “foreign” sounds occur in such words.
On the other hand, Austronesian content in WCL (and the neighbouring Papuan languages) appears to be mainly lexicon (including verbs), particularly in the spheres of sea, farming, canoe and sky/weather/astrological terminology, with some possible syntactic words. Hence, this presents a picture (again following Thomason and Kaufmann 1988:212) of a typically extensive borrowing situation with much lexical borrowing and some structural borrowing with a large amount of passive bilingualism with little active bilingualism.
Laade’s picture (1968) of Australian and Papuan settlement in Torres Strait supports the above scenario of Papuan speakers who shifted to an Australian language over a long period of time, and Austronesians who were culturally superstratum, however not in a position to impose their language. He presented folk history evidence that a few Austronesian traders (men) settled at Parema (north-east of Daru) and married local [Proto–Trans Fly speaking] women. To avoid further miscenegenation, they soon moved and settled in Torres Strait, first to the Eastern Islands, then to the Central Islands, then to Moa, Badu and Mabuiag. At Mabuiag, Badu and Moa they found Aboriginal people, killed the men and kept the women (and presumably the children). Some moved on up to Saibai, Doewan and Boeigu to avoid this new miscenegenation, hence the lighter colour of many Saibai, Doewan and Boeigu people. Boeigu folk history collected by Laade also shows direct East Austronesian genetic influence on Boeigu (Laade 1968).
The social milieu that the above discussions presents is that of a few Austronesian men who settled on the outskirts of an East Trans-Fly group, intermarried, and whose children were either bilingual, or speakers of their mothers’ language, with some knowledge of their fathers’ language. The local people did not need to speak the traders’ language, who in turn had to speak the local language. The children in turn would then speak the local language, with varying ability in the fathers’ language, particularly in areas that were culturally important for the fathers.
These people then shifted to Torres Strait - maintaining established ties with Papua - and overlaid an Australian population in such a way that the majority of women spoke an Australian language, with a significant number, mainly men, who spoke a Papuan language with significant Austronesian influence. Over time, the core structure of the mothers’ dominated, with retention of the men’s Papuo-Austronesian content in the appropriate cultural subsystems. In essence this would have been a ‘replay’ of the original settlement by Austronesian traders at Parema, with the women understanding the language of the men, but not really needing to speak it while retaining parts of their language for significant areas. The children then created a new language shift to an Australian language with a Papuan-Austronesian admixture.
Thus, WCL appears to be a mixed language in that a significant part of its lexicon, phonology and grammar is not Australian in origin. The core nominal, pronominal and verb morphology is Australian in both form and grammar - though a certain amount of the grammar is common to Trans-Fly and Paman languages in the first place. Its semantic categories, verb number morphology, and some other morphology are non-Australian in origin. Further, potentially 80% of its word stock is non-Australian. The interplay of the above within the subsystems of WCL lexicon, phonology and grammar points more to mixing through shift and borrowing rather than pidginisation and creolisation.
The language also has some vocabulary from languages outside the Torres Strait area, from the Indonesian, Malay, Filipino, English and other 'outsiders'. Where loan words from the Western Austronesian (Indonesian, etc.) loans are concerned, it is possible that some such came into the language in pre-European contact days, with the Makassans and similar fishermen/traders who visited northern Australia and Torres Strait.
Examples of probable post-European contact Western Austronesian loan words:
| item | WCL | origin |
|---|---|---|
| coconut toddy | thúba | tuba (Eastern Indonesian or Filipino) |
| trumps (in cards) | záru | zaru/jaru (Eastern Indonesian or Filipino) |
| mate, friend, brother | bala Boigu variants bœra, baya |
bela/bala (Eastern Indonesian or Filipino) |
| bœlasan | blachan | belacan (Malay) |
Some words in the language, assuming that they are Western Austronesian loans, appear to be pre-contact words. This is suggested both by their forms, but also that their use in the language (and in neighbouring languages) seems to indicate this.
Possible pre-European Contact Western Austronesian words in WCL (Some of these words are ultimately from Arabic, Sanskrit and possibly Portuguese. Ngajedan 1987.)
| WCL | meaning | possible source | meaning |
|---|---|---|---|
| aya (KKY) aye (KLY,KulY,KY) |
come! (singular) | ayo Malay | come! |
| bayu (KulY,KY) baaiwa (KLY) |
waterspout | bayu Malay (Sanskrit vayu) |
wind |
| ádhi | huge, great (also as an honorific) story (with cultural, religious or similar significance) 'story stone or rock', i.e. a rock or stone that represents or is someone or something with sacred or cultural aignificance, which is explained by the story about the rock or stone |
adi Malay (Sanskrit adhi) |
huge, great (also as an honorific) |
| kœdal(a) | crocodile | kadal Malay kadalaq Makasarese |
lizard |
| pawa | deed, action, custom | paal [pa'al] Malay (Arabic fa’la |
deed, action |
In the KKY dialect of WCL, waterspout is markai gùb(a) spirit wind; waterspouts were one of the weapons of the markai who mainly came from the west/north-west i.e. from what is now Indonesia) in the NW monsoon season (when waterspouts are common), and went back to the west/north-west with the SE trades.
The postulation of pawa as being an early loan from Malay is extremely hypothetical - and suggested not only by the form of the word, but also the loss of the final -l. Two early English loans underwent a similar change, which in essence is a back formation from what in the language appeared to be a plural. Most nouns (a) form the plural with an -l suffix, and (b) in the nominative-accusative singular elide the stem final vowel, as in tukuyapa- same-sex sibling , plural tukuyapal, nominative-accusative tukuyap, and under this model custard-apple became WCL katitap, plural katitapal, and the word mammy-apple (pawpaw/papaya) became WCL mamiyap, plural mamiyapal
Assuming that Malay paal [pa'al] was borrowed as *pawal, with the glottal stop being converted to w, as the language does not have the glottal stop, *pawal would be seen as a plural, with the singular *pawa, under the model (in this case) of kawal islands, kawa island.
Modern Eastern Austronesian Loans (Polynesian and Melanesian) into the language are mainly of religious or 'academic' use. In general such words are terms for objects that are strictly speaking European goods. One exception is the last in the following table, which has virtually replaced the traditional words imi spouse’s opposite-sex sibling, opposite sibling’s spouse and ngaubath spouse’s same-sex sibling, same-sex sibling’s spouse. These have also similarly been replaced by the English loan woman (pronounced [woman]) in the meaning of sister/daughter-in-law.
| WCL | meaning | origin | language | meaning in originating language |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| thúsi | book, document, letter, etc. | tusi | Samoan | (same meaning) |
| laulau | table | laulau | Samoan | plaited coconut leaf used as a tray |
| wakasu | anointment oil | wakacu | Dehu | coconut oil |
| thawiyan (emotive form thawi) |
brother/son-in-law | tawean | Vanuatu | brother-in-law |
Other biblical loans are from Greek, Latin and Hebrew:
| WCL | meaning | origin | language | meaning in originating language |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| basalaya | kingdom | basileia | Greek | id. |
| aretho | holy communion | artos | Greek | id. |
| Sathana | Satan | satan | Hebrew | id. |
| Sabadh(a) | Sunday | sabbath | Hebrew | Saturday (Sabbath) |
There are four main dialects, two of which are on probably the verge of extinction, one (Kawalgau Ya) through convergence to the neighbouring Kalaw Lagaw Ya. Within the dialects there are two or more subdialects. The average mutual intelligibility rate is around 97%.
The Southern dialect has certain characteristics that link it closely to the northern dialect, and Muralag folk history reflects this, in that the ancestors of the Kowrareg (the Hiamo) originally came from Dharu (Daru, to the north east of Torres Strait) - and who had previously settled on Dharu from Yama in Central Torres Strait [get reference].
Samples of the dialects
When Mum went home, she gave Dad the knife.
Kalau Kawau Ya: Ama na' lagapa uzarima nanga, nadh Babalpa gi [alt. upi] manu [alt. maninu].
Kalaw Lagaw Ya: Ama na' mudhaka uzarima nanga, nadh Babanika gi [alt. upi, thurik] manu.
Kulkalgau Ya: Ama na' mudhaka uzarima/uzarimò nanga, nadh Babanika gi [alt. upi, thurik] manu.
Kawalgau Ya: Ama na' lagapa uzarima nanga, nadha Babanipa gi [alt. upi, thurik] manul.
(Old Kawalgau Ya (Kowrareg): *Ama na' lagapa[li] uzarrima nanga, nadhu Babanipa[li] gi[ri] [alt. upi, thurrika] manulai.)
and... simplified ('koinè') Kalaw Lagaw Ya
Ama na' kulai mudh ka uzari, nadh Baban ka gi [alt. upi, thurik] mani.
Underlying form:
Ama+0 nanga (kul+lai) laga/mudha+pa/ka uzara+i+0+ma nanga, Mum+NOM REFERENCE (before+LOC) place/shelter+DAT go+ACTIVE+SINGULAR+ACTIVE TODAY PAST REFERENCE
na+dh Baba+ni+pa/ka gi/upi/thurika+0 ma[ni]+0+0+nu.
she+INSTRUMENTAL Dad+LINK+DAT knife+ACC give+ATTAINATIVE+SINGULAR+ATTAINATIVE TODAY PAST
(gi knife, tusk, canine tooth, upi knife made from bamboo, thurik cutting tool)
They cut down a big tree earlier today to make a canoe.
Kalau Kawau Ya: Thana kœi puy pathanu gulpa aymœipa.
Kalaw Lagaw Ya: Thana kœi puuyi pathanu gulka ayimka.
Kulkalgau Ya: Thana kœi puy pathanu[l] gulka aymœika.
Kawalgau Ya: Thana kœi puy pathanu[l] gulpa aymaipa.
(Old Kawalgau Ya (Kowrareg): *Thana kœi puuri pathanulai gulpa[rri] ayimaripa[rri].)
and... simplified ('koinè') Kalaw Lagaw Ya
Thana kulai kœi puy pathai gulka aymaik.
Underlying form:
Thana+0 (kul+lai) kœi puuRi+0 patha+0+0+nu[+lai] gul+ka/pa[ri] ayima+[R]i+ka/pa[ri]. TheyPL+NOM (before+LOC) big tree+ACC chop+ATT+SING+TodayPast[+LOC] canoe+DAT make+VN+Dat
Some Isolect Markers of the 4 dialects of WCL.
| Kalau Kawau Ya | Kawalgau Ya | Kalaw Lagaw Ya | Kulkalgau Ya | Kauraraigau Ya (Kowrareg) |
|
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| you SG | ngi | ngi | ni | ni | ngi |
| house | laag | laag | mùùdha | mùdh | laaga |
| thunder | gigi | dhuyum | dhuyum | dhuyum | dhuyum |
| end, finish | muasi- (B muyasi-) |
muasi- | minasi- | minasi- | moasi- |
| heat | kom | kœmàn | kœmààna | kom | kœmàna |
| steam | kœman | kœmàn | kœmààna | kœmàn | kœmàna |
| Dative | -pa | -pa (-ka) |
-ka (-pa) |
-ka (-pa) |
-pa[rri] (-ka) |
| Ablative | -ngu(z), -z(i) |
-ngu, -z(i) |
-ngu, -zi |
-ngu, -z(i) |
-nguzi, -zi |
| Present Perfective Active Singular |
-iz, -izi(n) |
-i, -izi |
-i, -izi |
-i, -izi |
-izi, -izi(ri) |
1) Phonology:
Phonological differences between the dialects are amazingly rare - and in general sporadic. The only regular differences are the following:
a) Colloquial final unstressed vowel elision in Kulkalgau Ya and Kawalgau Ya:
maalu sea > maal’
waapi fish > waap’
thathi father > thath’
waaru turtle > waar’
ngadha appearance, looks > ngadh’
mœràpi bamboo (à shows the stressed syllable) > mœràp’
bera rib > ber’
kaba dance performance > kab’
Such elision is rare or sporadic in the other dialects.
b) Final vowel unstressed vowel devoicing and deletion in Kalaw Lagaw Ya
In Kalaw Lagaw Ya, such final vowels in correct language are devoiced, and deleted in colloquial language, except in a small class of words which include bera rib, where there is a short vowel in the stem and in which the final vowel is permanently deleted, with compensatory lengthening of the final consonant (thus berr).
Strictly speaking, the process is not final vowel devoicing, but rather stressed vowel lengthening accompanied by final vowel devoicing - except in the case of words such as bera rib > berr, where the process is final consonant lengthening by the final vowel being 'incorporated' into the consonant. Note that in the following the word-final capital letter represents a devoiced vowel:
maalu sea > maalU > maal’
waapi fish > waapI > waap’
thaathi father > thaathI > thaath’ (Badhu variant thath’)
waaru turtle > waarU > waar’
ngadha appearance, looks > ngaadhA > ngaadh’
mœràpi bamboo (àà shows the stressed syllable) > mœrààpI > mœrààp’
bera rib > berr
kaba dance performance > kabb
In declined forms of such words, the long vowel is shortened, and the final vowel voiced, and in words like ber rib the final vowel often reappears:
maalU sea + ka dative > maluka
waapI fish > wapika
thaathI father > thathika
waarU turtle > waruka
ngaadhA appearance, looks > ngadhaka
mœrààpI bamboo > mœràpika
ber rib > beraka, berka
kab dance performance > kabaka, kabka
This vowel shortening in affixed/modified forms exists in all dialects, however the other dialects have retained contrastive length to some extent, whereas Kalaw Lagaw Ya has largely lost it for ‘morphophonological’ length, where the stressed vowel in non-emotive words (see below) of one or two syllables is automatically lengthened in the nominative-accusative; this also applies to words of three syllables with second syllable stress (as in mœrààpI bamboo).
One of the very few length contrasts in the Kalaw Lagaw Ya dialect is kaabA knot in bamboo etc. vs kab dance performance (kab in Old Kawalgaw Ya was kœRaba, and œRa has regularly given short a in Kalaw Lagaw Ya); such length contrasts are more widespread in the other dialects.
The exceptions are (1) the small class or words that include ber rib and kab dance performance, and (2) emotive words. Emotive words are those that equate to a certain extent to diminutives in languages such as Irish, Dutch and German, where specific suffixes are added to show 'diminutive' status (-ín, -Cje and -chen respectively). Emotive words in the Kalaw Lagaw Ya dialect include familiar kinship terms [the equivalent of English Mum, Dad and the like] and words used in emotive contexts such as singing/poetry.
| Word | Non-Emotive | Emotive |
|---|---|---|
| Mum | (apùùwA, apùù, àpu - mother) | Ama |
| Dad | (thaathI, thaath - father) | Baba |
| Child | kaazI, kaaz | kazi |
| Wife | iipI, iip | ipi |
| Home (Island) | laagA, laag | laga |
| Dust, Spray | pœœyA, pœœy | pœya (also paya) |
| Bamboo | mœrààpI, mœrààp | mœràpi (also marapi) |
| Head | kuwììkU, kuwììk | kuwìku, kuiku |
c) Kalau Kawau Ya final i-glide deletion
A small class of words in KKY lose the final i-glide found in the other dialects, including the following:
banana plant : KLY/KulY/KY dawai, KKY dawa
spot, stain : KLY/KulY/KY burkui (bœrkui), KKY bœrku (burku)
blank skink : KLY/KulY/KY mogai, KKY Saibai/Dœwan mogo, Bœigu moga
old : KLY/KulY/KY kulbai, KKY kulba
a short while, first before doing something else : KLY/KulY/KY mamui, KKY mamu
birth cord : KLY/KulY/KY kùpai, KKY kùpa
Word forms in neighbouring languages as well in the Kauraraigau Ya (Kowrareg) of the mid-to-late 19th century, such as the Meriam Mìr kopor and Kauraraigau Ya kupar/kopar birth cord show that in such words the final -i/Ø are the modern forms of older *ɾ.
2) Syntax
The main syntactic differences are:
a) Verb negative construction:
In all dialects except Kalau Kawau Ya, the verb negative is the nominalised privative form of the verbal noun. As this form in itself a noun, its subject and direct object are cast in the genitive:
Ngath waapi purthanu I ate a fish
Ngai stuwaka uzarima I went to the store
Ngau wapiu purthaiginga I didn’t eat a fish
Ngau stuwaka uzaraiginga I didn’t go to the store
The Kalau Kawau Ya dialect uses the verbal noun privative form as an invariable verb negative:
Ngath waapi purthanu I ate a fish
Ngai stuwapa uzarima I went to the store
Ngath waapi purthaiginga I didn’t eat a fish
Ngai stuwapa uzaraiginga I didn’t go to the store
b) Verb Tenses/Aspects
The Kalau Kawau Ya dialect has the tenses and aspects listed in the section on verb morphology. The other dialects have largely lost the remote future tense, using the habitual instead; the remote future in the other dialetcs is retained most commonly as a 'future imperative', where the imperative refers to a vague period in the future. The Kalaw lagaw Ya dialect also has a 'last night' tense, where the adverb bungil last night has become grammaticalised as a verb ending, following the example of the adverb ngùl yesterday, which had previously become grammaticalised as a 'recent past' tense marker in all dialects, with reduction to -ngu in the Kalau kawau Ya dialect. In the other dialects bongel last night is a fully functioning temporal adverb used in conjunction with either the today past or the recent past.
In the case of the shape of affixes, dialects differ in the following:
1) present imperfective/near future perfective/verbal noun dative:
KKY/KY -pa, KLY/KulY -ka
2) Recent past
KKY -ngu, KLY/KY/KulY -ngul
3) Today past
KKY/KLY/KulY -nu, KY -nul (older -nulai)
4) Habitual
KKY -paruig/paruidh/-parui/-paru/-pu (-pu most commonly on stems of two or more syllables, and the bi-syllabic forms on stems of one syllable [the consonant final forms are emphatic forms])
KLY/KulY -kuruig
KY -kurui
c) Nominal Affixes
The main nominal affix difference is the dative ending, which has the following forms in the various dialects:
KLY/KulY -ka; -pa with kipa to here and sipa to there; -pa sometimes in poetry/singing
KY -pa; -ka in ngaikika to/for/towards me; -ka often in poetry/singing.
KKY -pa in all cases; -ka often in poetry/singing.
The plural/HAVE suffix -LAI also shows a small amount of dialect variation with stems of two syllables, where Kulkalgau Ya differs from the other dialects in retaining the full form form of the suffix -LAI, reduced to -L in the other dialects. In stems of three or more syllables, the suffix is reduced to -L in all dialects, while retained as -LAI (variants according to noun sub-class -THAI, -AI, -DAI) with stems of one syllable.
Three+ syllable stem: burum pig, stem: buruma-, plural burumal
Bisyllabic stem: lag, KLY laagA place, home, home island, stem: laga-, plural lagal, KulY lagalai
monosyllabic stems: all dialects identical
(1) Regular vowel final: ma spider, stem: ma-, plural malai
(2) Regular -i glide final: mui fire, stem: mui-, plural muithai
(3) Regular -l final: gul sailing canoe, stem: gul-, plural gulai
(4) Regular -r final: wœr/wur/uur water, stem: wœr-/wur-/ur-, plural wœlai/wulai/ulai, KKY wœrai
(5) Irregular vowel final stem: ya speech, word(s), message, language, etc., stem: ya-, plural yadai
d) Vocabulary
The main differences between the dialects are to do with vocabulary, as can be seen in the following examples:
house/building : KLY mùùdha (laaga), KulY mùdh (laag), KY laag (mùdh), KKY laag
mud : KLY/KulY/KY berdhar (sœœya sandy mud/silt), KKY sœœi (berdhar softness of food, mud, etc.)
grandad : KLY/KulY/KY athe, KKY pòpu
frog : KLY/KulY kœtaaka, kœtak, KY kat, KLY (Saibai-Dœwan) kat, (Bœigu) kœteku
axe : KLY/KulY/KY aga, KKY agathurik (thurik cutting tool)
namesake : KLY/KulY natham, KKY/KY nasem
small, little : KLY/KulY/KY mœgi, Saibai/Dœwan mœgina, Bœigu mœgina, kœthuka
woman, female : KKY yipkaz/yœpkaz [stem yipkazi-/yœpkazi-], KLY/KulY ipikaz (KLY variant iipka) [stem ipkazi-], KY ipkai [stem ipkazi-]
man, male : KKY garkaz [stem garkazi-], KLY/KulY garka [stem garkazi-], KY garkai [stem garkazi-]
unmarried young/teenage woman : KKY ngawakaz [stem ngawakazi-], KLY/KulY ngawka/ngoka [stem ngawkazi-/ngokazi-], KY ngawakai [stem ngawakazi-]
song : KLY naawu (plural nawul], KulY nawu (plural nawulai), KY nawu (plural nawul), KKY na (plural nathai)
moon, month : KLY kisaayi, poetry mœlpal, KulY/KY kiisay, poetry mœlpal, KKY mœlpal, poetry kiisay
Kala Lagaw Ya is the only Australian language to have the alveolar fricatives /s/ and /z/. However, these have allophonic variants /tʃ/ and /dʒ/, which are the norm in Australia languages (but non-contrasting). These latter two are allophones in that in all environments /s/ and /z/ can appear, while /tʃ/ and /dʒ/ can not appear at the end of a word. All the stops, except for the alveolars t and d, have fricative allophones, thus p can be [p] or [ɸ], k can be [k] or [x], b [b] or [β], and so on. Furthermore, it is one of the few Australian languages with fully functioning voiced-voiceless distinctions (p/b, t/d, s/z, k/g, th/dh) - and one of the few without retroflex stops.
The language is also one of the few Australian languages with only one rhotic, one l and one n. The earliest recorded dialect, Kawalgau Ya (Kauraraigau Ya / Kowrareg), however, did have two rhotics, the tap and the glide; the rhotic glide has in general become /j/, /w/ or zero in the other dialects (and Modern Kawalgau Ya), rarely /r/. Neighbouring languages retain an /r/ in related words, such as;
sayima outrigger : Old Kawalgaw Ya sarima, Kiwai (Papua) harima, Gudang (Australia) charima
babath opposite-sex sibling : Old Kawalgau Ya bœrabatha opposite-sex sibling, Meriam Mìr berbet sibling.
It is interesting to note, however, that in singing, s, z and r are pronounced [s], [z], and [ɽ] (the glide), and virtually never as /tʃ/, /dʒ/ and /r/.
| Consonants | voiceless stop/ (af)fricative |
voiced stop/ (af)fricative |
nasal | approximants lateral rhotic |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| labial | p | b | m | w |
| dental | th | dh | n | l |
| alveolar | t | d | - | r |
| alveo-palatal | s | z | - | y |
| velar | k | g | ng | - |
| Vowels | -round | +round |
|---|---|---|
| +high,-mid | i,ii | u,uu |
| +high,+mid | e,ee | ù,ùù |
| -high,+mid | œ,œœ | o,oo |
| -high,-mid | a,aa | ò,òò |
Notes:
a) The consonant d varies to some extent with r, particularly in KKY/KY kadai-/karai-, KLY/KulY kad[a] upwards.
b) The typewritten forms of œ and œœ are oe and ooe.
c) The long vowel ùù is only found in Kala Lagaw Ya.
d) Length is to a certain extent contrastive, and partly allophonic.
e) The +/-round contrast is reminiscent of Papuan phonology.
The mid long vowels are allophonic variants of the mid short vowels that are in the process of developing phonemic status, while the short vowel ò is similarly in origin an allophone of òò.
Internal reconstruction and comparison with neighbouring languages suggests an underlying four vowel structure with contrasting vowel length, where underlying *i typically gives surface i and e, underlying *a typically gives surface a and œ, underlying *ò typically gives surface o and ù, and underlying *u typically gives surface ù and u (there are other realisations as well, depending on rules of assimilation etc.):
| Underlying Vowels | -round | +round |
|---|---|---|
| +high | *i,*ii | *u,*uu |
| -high | *a,*aa | *ò,*òò |
The language undergoes low-level vowel shifts, caused by stress domination within clauses. Long vowels are shortened, and short vowels raise when the word is preceded by morphemes such as adjectives, demonstrative articles, prefixes and the like; the changes also change within words when these are suffixed:
laag place - senabi lag that place
lagal places - sethabi lœgal those places (also sethabi lagal)
mœrap bamboo - mœrœpil bamboo plants/poles/sticks (also mœrapil)
guul sailing canoe - senaubi gul that canoe
thonaral times - sethabi thunaral those times (also sethabi thonaral)
zageth work - zagithapa to/for work [dative] (also zagethapa) (zageth is a compound of za thing + geth hand)
The processes are low-level in that they are not 'automatic' - the changes do not have to occur and can be consciously 'blocked'. In normal speech, vowel shortening and the change of a to œ are the norm, which the changes of e to i and o to u are sporadic, and most common in unstressed syllables.
Assimilation of vowels to other vowels in the vicinity and consonants is also widespread, particularly of the vowel œ:
wœrab coconut - wurab - urab
yœlpai lead [verbal noun] - yilpai - ilpai
ngœnu whose - ngunu
kœu belonging to here - kou
ngœba you and I - ngaba
There is no strict standard spelling, and three slightly different orthographies (and often mixes of them) are in use.
The three spelling systems used for the language:
The Mission Spelling (established at first by Loyalty Islands missionaries in 1870s, then modified by Polynesian missionaries in the 1880s) : a, b, d, e, g, i, j, k, l, m, n, ng, o, ö, p, r, s, t, u, z, sometimes also th, dh, dth, tr, dr, oe, ë, w, y, j, and sometimes double vowels to show length. This spelling system was strongly inspired by the one used for the drehu (Lifu) language in the very early period, though later with the change of non-European Mission personnel from Lifu to Polynesian, as well as the growing number of indigenous Torres Strait missionaries, the spelling system lost the overtly Drehu forms tr, dr and ë, which had no phonological basis in Kala Lagaw Ya. The mission system is the orthography used in the Reports of the Cambridge Expedition to the Torres Strait (Haddon et al., 1898 and on, University of Cambridge) and in "Myths and Legends of Torres Strait" (Lawrie, University of Queensland, 1971). Ray, the linguist of the Cambridge Expedition, also used various diacrtitics to represent vowel length and quality.
Klokheid and Bani (established 1970s) : a, aa, b, d (alveolar), dh (dental), e, ee, g, i, ii, k, l, m, n, ng, o, oo,oe (/ə/), ooe (/əː/), p, r, s, t (alveolar), th (dental), u, uu, w, y, z
Saibai, Boigu, Dauan students (established late 1970s) : a, b, d (alveolar), dh (dental), e, g, i, k, l, m, n, ng, o, oe (/ə/), p, r, s, t (alveolar), th (dental), u, w, y, z (vowel length is not represented).
People not only use these three slightly differing spelling systems, but they also write words more or less as they pronounce them. Because of this words are often spelt in various ways, for example sena/sina that, there, kothai/kothay/kothei/kothey/kothe back of head, occiput. Variation like this depends on age, family, island, and other factors such as poetic speech. It can be difficult at times to decide which is most correct - different people have different opinions (and sometimes have very strong opinions).
Though in general the pronunciation of older people has priority, some people can actually get quite offended if they think the language is written the ‘wrong’ way. Some insist that the mission spelling should be used, others the Bani spelling, and still others the KKY (Saibai etc.) spelling, and still again others use mixes of two or three, or adaptations thereof. Some writers of the Mabuiag-Badhu dialect (Kala Lagaw Ya), for example, write mainly in the Mission system, sometimes use the diagraphs oe, th, dh (variant dth) and sometimes use capital letters at the ends of words to show devoiced vowels, such as ngukI fresh water/drinking water, fruit juice /ŋʊːki̥/. In the Bani/Klokheid orthograophy nguki is written nguuki, and in the other dialects the final vowel is either fully voiced, nguki /ŋʊki/), or elided, nguk /ŋʊk/).
The biggest bone of contention between the advocates of the 'modern' orthographies and the 'traditionalist' orthographies is the use of w and y to show the semi-vowels (or semi-consonants if you prefer). In general native speakers in literacy classes seem to find y and w very difficult to learn, and that u and i are the 'logical' letters to use. Getting untrained speakers to break up words by sound or syllable suggests that u and i are really the underlying sounds. Thus, a word like dhaudhai mainland, continent syllabifies as dha-u-dha-i, not dhau-dhai. In songs, the glide-u/i can also be given full syllable status. 'Historical' considerations also point to the semi-vowels often being vocalic rather than consonantal. Thus, lagau, the genitive of laag[a] place is in underlying form laaga+ngu; the full form of the genitive ending -ngu is only retained where the nominal has a monosyllabic stem (see the section on Nominal Morphology). Similarly, verbal nouns end in -i, e.g. lumai, stem luuma- search, look for, seek, hunt. The earliest records of the language of the mid-19th century show that the verbal noun ending was previously -ri (thus lumari), where the -r- was presumably the rhotic glide rather than the rhotic tap/trill.
A dictionary now in preparation (Mitchell/Ober) uses a orthography based on detailed study of the surface and underlying phonology of the language, as well as on observation of how people write in real life situations. It is a mix of the Mission and Kalau Kawau Ya orthographies with the addition of diacritics (the letters in brackets) to aid correct pronunciation, since many of the people who will use this dictionary will not be speakers of the language:
a (á), b, d, dh, e (é), g, i (í), k, l, m, n, ng, o (ó, ò, ò'), œ (œ'), r, s, t, th, u (ú, ù), w, y, z
Within this orthography, w and y are treated as consonants - this is their phonogical status in the language - while u and i are used as the glides where phonological considerations show that the 'diphthong' combination has vocalic status.
Pronunciation of the letters
The English pronunciations given in the list below are those of Australian English, and are only meant as a guide. The letters in square brackets ([]) are the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA).
a (short) [a] : ‘u’ as in hut - gath shallow, shallows, mathaman hit, kill
a, á (long) (aa in the Bani orth.) [aː] ‘a’ as in father - áth bottom turtle shell (plastron), ma spider, lág place
b [b] as in English - Báb Dad, bœbu current, stream, bibir power, authority
d [d] as in English - da chest, idi grease, fat, dead-calm sea
dh [d̪] similar to d, but with the tip of the tongue put against the top teeth- dha ladder, stairs, adhal outside, Bádhu Badu
e (short) [e] ‘e’ as in bed - bero rib, nge then, tete animal/bird leg
e, é (long) (ee in the Bani orth.) [eː] ‘are’ as in bared - gér sea snake, dhe slime, sei there
g [ɡ] as in English get, never as in general - gigi thunder, gág mangrove swamp
i (short) [i] short ‘ee’ as in feet - midh how, sisi gecko, ipi wife
i, í (long) (ii in the Bani orth.) [iː] ‘ee’ as in feed - síb liver, gi knife, ígil life
k [k] as in English - kikiman hurry up, kakayam bird-of-paradise
l [l] similar to English ‘l’ in lean, but with the tip of the tongue against the top teeth; never as in English kneel - lág place, home, li basket, gúl double-outrigger sailing canoe
m [m] as in English - mám love, affection, Ama Mum, Aunty, ma spider
n [n] similar to English ‘n’ in nun, but with the tip of the tongue against the top teeth - na song, nan her, nanu her(s)
ng [ŋ] as in English sing; never as in English finger - ngai I, me, ngœrang armpit
o (short) [o] more or less ‘o’ as is in got, though more rounded - sob slowness, mogo blank skink
o (long) (oo in the Bani orth.) [oː] more or less ‘o’ as in god, though more rounded - gor tie-hole, so show
ò (short) [ɔ] short version of ‘oa’ in broad - mòdhabil costs, prices, gòyal bald
ò (long) (oo in the Bani orth.) [ɔː] ‘oa’ in broad - mòs lung, spittle, gòy baldness
œ (short) [ə] ‘a’ as in about - bœtœm lean (animals), bœga mallard
œ (long) (ooe in the Bani orth.) [əː] more or less like ‘er’ in herd - wœr water, Wœy Venus, bœi coming
p [p] as in English - papi noose, trap, áp garden, Pòpu Grandad
r [r] similar to ‘tt’ in better when said fast (that is to say, when better is pronounced ‘bedder’). Before another consonant and at the end of a word, it is often trilled (like in ‘stage’ Scottish English or 'rr' in Spanish). In singing, however, it is normally pronounced much like the American English ‘r’ - ári rain, louse, rùg rag, piece of cloth, ár dawn
s [s] most commonly like English ‘s’ in sister; sometimes like English ‘ch’ in chew when at the beginning of a word or in the middle of a word; never like ‘s’ in ‘as’ (which is a ‘z’ sound) - sas style, showing off, sisi gecko, sagul game, fun, dance
t [t] as in English - tádu sand-crab, tídan return, understand, ít rock oyster
th [t̪] similar to t, but with the tip of the tongue put against the top teeth - tha crocodile tail, thathi father, geth hand
u (short) [u] short ‘u’ as in lute - buthu sand, gulai sailing canoes
u, ú (long) (uu in the Bani orth.) [uː] ‘oo’ in woo - búzar fat, blubber, thu smoke
ù [ʊ] ‘u’ as in put - mùdh shelter, kùt late afternoon, early evening, kùlai first, before
w [w] Not as strong as English ‘w’ in we ; for most speakers of the language the only difference between w and short u is that w is shorter - wa yes, kawa island, báw wave
y [j] Not as strong as English ‘y’ in yes; for most speakers of the language the only difference between y and short i is that y is much shorter - ya speech, talk, language, aya come!, máy well, spring; tears; pearl-shell, nacre
z [z] most commonly like English ‘z’ in zoo, or English ‘s’ in has; sometimes like English ‘j’ in jump, or ‘dg’ in budge when at the beginning or in the middle of a word - zázi grass skirt, za thing, object, zizi crackle, crack, rustling noise Combinations of vowels (‘diphthongs’, such as ai, au, œi, eu etc.) are pronounced as written. Thus, for example, ai is a-i (basically very similar to ‘i’ in ‘mine’ with a posh accent). In singing and sometimes in slow speech, such vowel combinations can be said separately. The diphthongs are:
ei - sei there
iu - biuni kookoobuura, kingfisher
œi - bœi coconut frond
eu - seu belonging to there
ai - Saibai Saibai
œu - kœubu battle, war
òi - òi hoy!, hey! (reply to a call, vocative particle)
au - kaub tiredness
ui - mui fire
ou - berou of a/the rib
In the Bani and Saibai (etc.) orthographies, these are written as follows:
ey - sey
iw - biwni
œy - bœy
ew - sew
ay - Saybay
œw - kœwbu
oy - oy
aw - kawb
uy - muy
ow - berow
Where the morphology is concerned, the language is somewhere along the continuum between agglutinative and declining. Nominals have the following cases: nominative, accusative, instrumental (subsumes ergative), dative (subsumes allative), ablative (subsumes elative), specific locative, nonspecific locative (subsumes perlative and comitative), and global locative. Nominals also have the following derived forms: negative, similative, proprietive (which also forms the noun nominative-accusative plural) and resultative. All stems end in a vowel or a semi-vowel, except for a few monosyllables ending in -r and -l (which includes a very few reduplicated words, like tharthar boiling, seething, as well as ngipel you two [a compound of ngi you [singular] and -pal two]). For many nouns the surface nominative(-accusative) undergoes a final stem-vowel deletion rule; in the Kalaw Lagaw Ya dialect the rule results in final devoiced vowels accompanied by main vowel lengthening. There are three numbers, singular, dual and plural. Singular and dual are the same form in all nominals except the personal pronouns. Furthermore, the plural is only distinguished in the nominative-accusative - except for the personal pronouns, where the difference in number is shown by the stem.
There are two nominal classes, Common Nominals (common nouns, demonstratives, locative/temporal/etc. adverbs) and Proper Nominals (Proper names [personal names, boat names, emotive kinship terms], pronouns). The major difference between the two classes are 1) semantic - Proper Nominals have pronominal characteristics, and, 2) declensional, for example Proper Nominals have one locative case rather than the three of Common Nominals (see further the declensions below).
Note that the following are in the Kalau Kawau Ya dialect.
Common nominal declensions
| Case/Suffix | Hoe/Adze | Place/Home | Knife | Water | Mud | Middle | looking | giving, getting, being, moving, doing, etc. |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| stem type | multisyllabic -u final |
multisyllabic | monosyllabic vowel final |
monosyllabic -r/-l final |
monosyllabic -i glide final |
locative nominal ('adverb') |
multisyllabic verbal noun |
monosyllabic verbal noun |
| stem | pábu- | lága- | gi- | wœr- | sái- | dhadha- | naga+i- | má+i- |
| nom-acc. sing.-dual | pábu | lág | gi | wœr | sái | dhadh (compounds only) |
nœgai | mái |
| nom-acc. pl. | pabul | lagal | gilai | wœrai | saithai | dhadhal (compounds only) |
--- | --- |
| inst. | pabun | lagan | ginu/gín | wœrnu/wœran | saithu | dhadhan | nœgain | main |
| gen. | pabu | lagau | gingu | wœrngu | saingu | dhadhau | nœgai | mai (maingu) |
| dat. | pabupa | lagapa | gipa | wœrpa | saipa | dhadhapa | nœgaipa | maipa |
| abl. | pabungu | lagangu | gingu | wœrngu | saingu | dhadhaz | nœgaile | maithaile |
| sp.loc. | pabunu, pabu' |
laganu, laga' |
gilai, ginu |
wœrai, wœrnu |
saithai, saithe |
dhadhal, dhadha' |
nœgainu | mainu |
| n-sp-loc | pabuya | lagaya | giya | wœriya | saiya | dhadhaya | nœgaiya | maiya |
| gl-loc. | pabuyab | lagayab | gipu | wœrab, wœrpu | saiyab, saipu | dhadhayab | nœgaiya | maiya |
| prop. | pabul(ai) | lagal(ai) | gilai | wœrai | saithai, saithe |
dhadhal(ai) (compounds only) |
nœgail(ai) | maithai |
| priv. | pabugi | lagagi | gigi | wœrgi | saigi | dhadhagi (compounds only) |
nœgaigi | maigi |
| sim. | pabudh(a) | lagadh(a) | gidha | wœrdha/wœradh | saidh(a) | dhadhadh(a) (compounds only) |
nœgaidh(a) | maidh(a) |
| res. | pabuzi | lagazi | gizi | wœrzi | saizi | dhadhazi (compounds only) |
nœgaizi | maizi |
There are few irregular nouns, the most common being
(1) ái food, yá speech, language, message, etc., li basket, lú mound, bump, hump
instrumental aidu, yadu, lidu, ludu specific locative/proprietive-plural aidai/aide, yadai, lidai, ludai
(2) KKY ná, KLY naawu, KulY/KY nawu song
instrumental KKY nathu, KLY/KulY/KY nathun, nawun
specific locative/proprietive-plural KKY nathai, KLY/KY nawul, KulY nawlai
(3) zá thing, object, matter, etc.
This word has a fuller stem form, zapu-, which appears in certain forms:
instrumental zapun genitive zapu proprietive-plural zapul
In the locative forms both stems (za- and zapu-) appear:
specific locative zanu, zapunu, etc.
(4) gœiga sun, day; bireg/bereg shelf
The stems of these words have different forms to the nominative-accusative-
gœiga - stem:gœigœyi-, gœigi-; bireg/bereg - stem:bœreigi-
Demonstratives
The language has a closed class of demonstrative morphemes with special morphological characteristics:
Prefixes:
pi there in the distance in a specific position
kai there in the distance in a non-specific position
Stems:
ka, í here, this
se/si there, that (not too far away)
gui, mulu/ngùl down there
ka, karai/kadai up there (variant forms of the one underlying stem)
ngapa there beyond
pai, pa, paipa ahead there, up close there (variant forms of the one underlying stem *pai)
pun[i], pawa off from there, back from there, back over there, back there (possibly variant forms of the one underlying stem)
These demonstratives (as stem forms) can have masculine, feminine and non-singular forms (and as such are pronominal) as well as case forms. Í here, this and se/si there, that (not too far away) take the gender/number morphemes as suffixes, and the other demonstratives take them as prefixes. Note that ka non-specifically here and kai there in the distance in a non-specific position cannot appear with the gender/number morphemes, as these latter are specific by their nature. Í and se/si also take an article forming affix -bi to become demonstrative articles (e.g. senaubi kaz that boy, senabi kaz that girl, sepalbi kaz those two children, sethabi kœzil those children.)
Ka, í and se/si:
| Case/Suffix | here non specific |
here specific |
there non-specific |
there specific |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| nom-acc | kai | in mas., ina fem., ipal dual, itha pl. |
sei, sí |
senau mas., sena/sina fem., sepal/sipal dual, setha/sitha pl |
| inst. | kedha | --- | kedha | --- |
| gen. | kœu | --- | seu | --- |
| dat. | kœpa | --- | sepa/sipa | --- |
| abl. | kœzi | --- | seizi/sizi | --- |
| sp.loc. | kai | in mas., ina fem., ipal dual, itha pl. |
sei/si | senau mas., sena/sina fem., sepal/sipal dual, setha/sitha pl. |
| n-sp-loc/gl.loc | kaiki | inuki mas., inaki fem., ipalki dual, ithaki pl. |
seiki/siki | senauki mas., senaki/sinaki fem., sepalki/sipalki dual, sethaki/sithaki pl. |
| sim. | kedha | kedha | kedha | kedha |
| article | kedhabi | inubi mas., inabi fem., ipalbi dual, ithabi pl. |
kedhabi | senaubi mas., senabi/sinabi fem., sepalbi/sipalbi dual, sethabi/sithabi pl. |
Other demonstratives:
| Case/Suffix | gui | ka(rai) | ngapa | pai/pa | pun/pawa |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| nom-acc-inst-sp.loc specific (forms without the pi prefix are more pronominal in function) |
(pi)nugui mas., (pi)nagui fem., (pi)palgui dual, (pi)thagui pl. |
(pi)nuka mas., (pi)naka fem., (pi)palka dual, (pi)thaka pl. |
(pi)nungap mas., (pi)nangap fem., (pi)palngap dual, (pi)thangap pl. |
(pi)nupai mas., (pi)napai fem., (pi)palpai dual, (pi)thapai pl. |
(pi)nupun mas., (pi)napun fem., (pi)palpun dual, (pi)thapun pl. |
| nom-acc-inst-loc non-specific |
kaigui | kaika | kaingap | kaipai/kaipaipa | kaipun, kaipawapa |
| specific dat. (forms without the pi prefix are more pronominal in function) |
(pi)numulupa mas., (pi)namulupa fem., (pi)palmulupa dual, (pi)thamulupa pl. |
(pi)nukaripa mas., (pi)nakaripa fem., (pi)palkaripa dual, (pi)thakaripa pl. |
(pi)nungapapa mas., (pi)nangapapa fem., (pi)palngapapa dual, (pi)thangapapa pl. |
(pi)nupaipa mas., (pi)napaipa fem., (pi)palpaipa dual, (pi)thapaipa pl. |
(pi)nupawapa mas., (pi)napawapa fem., (pi)palpawapa dual, (pi)thapawapa pl. |
| non-specific dat. | mulupa | karaipa/kadaipa | kaingapapa | (kai)paipa | (kai)pawapa |
| abl. | kizigui | kizika | kizingap | kizipai | kizipun |
| n-sp-loc/gl.loc neutral (forms without the pi prefix are more pronominal in function) |
(pi)nuguiki mas., ( pi)naguiki fem., (pi)palguiki dual, (pi)thaguiki pl. |
(pi)nukaki mas., (pi)nakaki fem., (pi)palkaki dual, (pi)thakaki pl. |
(pi)nungapaki mas., (pi)nangapaki fem., (pi)palngapaki dual, (pi)thangapaki pl. |
(pi)nupaiki/(pi)nupaipa mas., (pi)napaiki/(pi)napaipa fem., (pi)palpaiki/(pi)palpaipa dual, (pi)thapaiki/(pi)thapaipa pl. |
(pi)nupuniki/(pi)nupawapa mas., (pi)napuniki/(pi)napawapa fem., (pi)palpuniki/(pi)palawapa dual, (pi)thapuniki/(pi)thapawapa pl. |
| n-sp/gl-loc | kaiguiki | kaikaki | kaingapaki | kaipaiki/kaipaipa | kaipunki, kaipawapa |
Pronouns : singular
Note that the third person pronouns are also used as definite articles, e.g. Nuidh garkœzin nan yipkaz imadhin The man saw the woman.
| Case/Suffix | I/me | you | he/it (the) | she/it (the) | who | what |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| nom. | ngai | ngi | nui | na | nga | mi- (miai, miza) |
| acc. | ngœna | ngin | nuin | nan | ngan | mi- (miai, miza); min |
| inst. | ngath | ngidh | nuidh | nadh | ngadh | midh (miaidu/miden/midu/midun, mizœpun) |
| gen. | ngau (mas.), ngœzu (fem.) | nginu | nungu | nanu | ngœnu | mingu (miaingu, mizœngu) |
| dat. | ngayapa | ngibepa | nubepa | nabepa | ngabepa | mipa (miaipa, mizœpa) |
| abl. | ngaungu(z) (mas.), ngœzungu(z) (fem.) | nginungu(z) | nungungu(z) | nanungu(z) | ngœnungu(z) | mingu(zi) (miaingu, mizœngu) |
| sp.loc. | ngaibiya | ngibiya | nubiya | nabiya | ngabiya | miaide/miainu, mizœpunu |
| n-sp-loc | ngaibiya | ngibiya | nubiya | nabiya | ngabiya | miaiya, mizœpuya |
| gl-loc. | ngaibiya | ngibiya | nubiya | nabiya | ngabiya | miaiyab, mizœpuyab |
| proprietive/plural | ---------- | ---------- | ---------- | ---------- | ---------- | midel, mizœpul |
| priv. | ngaugi (mas.), ngœzugi (fem.) | nginugi | nungugi | nanugi | ngœnugi | miaigi, mizœgi |
| sim. | ngaudh (mas.), ngœzudh (fem.) | nginudh | nungudh | nanudh | ngœnudh | midh (miaidh, mizœpudh) |
| res. | ---------- | ---------- | ---------- | ---------- | ---------- | miaizi, mizœzi |
Personal pronouns : dual
| Case/Suffix | we two | you and I | you two | them two (the two) |
who-two |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| nom-acc-inst | ngalbe | ngœba | ngipel | palai (Boigu pale) |
ngawal |
| gen. | ngalben | ngœban | ngipen | palamun (Boigu palemun) |
(as for singular) |
| dat. | ngalbelpa | ngœbalpa | ngipelpa | palamulpa (Boigu palemulpa) |
(as for singular) |
| abl. | ngalbelngu | ngœbalngu | ngipelngu | palamulngu (Boigu palemulngu) |
(as for singular) |
| loc. | ngalbeniya | ngœbaniya | ngipeniya | palamuniya (Boigu palemuniya) |
(as for singular) |
| sim. | ngalbedh | ngœbadh | ngipedh | palamudh (Boigu palemudh) |
(as for singular) |
Ngawal who two is constructed from nga who plus the clitic -wal both, and two (dual conjunction).
Personal pronouns : plural
| Case/Suffix | we (not you) | we (inc. you) | you | they (the) | who |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| nom-acc-inst | ngœi | ngalpa | ngitha | thana | ngaya |
| gen. | ngœimun | ngalpan | ngithamun | thanamun | (as for singular) |
| dat. | ngœimulpa | ngalpalpa | ngithamulpa | thanamulpa | (as for singular) |
| abl. | ngœimulngu | ngalpalngu | ngithamulngu | thanamulngu | (as for singular) |
| loc. | ngœimuniya | ngalpaniya | ngithamuniya | thanamuniya | (as for singular) |
| sim. | ngœimudh | ngalpadh | ngithamudh | thanamudh | (as for singular) |
Ngaya who many is constructed from nga who plus the clitic -ya and others (plural conjunction).
Personal names and familiar kinship terms (Familiar kinship terms are the equivalent of English kin terms such as Dad and Mum, while non-familiar terms are the equivalent of Father and Mother; these latter are treated as common nouns in the language)
| Case/Suffix | Tom (mas.) | Anai (fem.) | Dad/Uncle (cf. father/uncle) |
Mum/Aunty (cf. mother/aunt |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| nom-inst | Tom | Anai | Báb (thathi) |
Ama (ápu) |
| acc-gen. | Toman | Anaina | Baban (thathiu) |
Amana (apuwau) |
| dat. | Tomalpa | Anailpa | Babalpa (thathipa) |
Amalpa (apuwapa) |
| abl. | Tomalngu | Anailngu | Babalngu (thathingu) |
Amalngu (apuwangu) |
| loc. | Tomaniya | Anainiya | Babaniya (thathiya) |
Amaniya (apuwaya) |
| proprietive/plural | ----------- | ----------- | babal (thathil) |
amal (apuwal) |
| priv. | ----------- | ----------- | babagi (thathigi) |
amagi (apuwagi) |
| sim. | Tomadh | Anaidh | babadh (thathidh) |
amadh (apuwadh) |
| res. | ----------- | ----------- | babazi (thathizi) |
amazi (apuwazi) |
Verbs can have over 100 different aspect, tense, voice, mood and number forms. Verb agreement is with the object (i.e. 'ergative') in transitive clauses, and with the subject in intransitive clauses. Imperatives, on the other hand, agree with both subject and object in transitive clauses.
There are three aspects (perfective, imperfective, habitual), two voices (active [which focuses on the verb activity and subsumes many intransitives, many antipassives and some transitives] and attainative [which subsumes many transitives, some antipassives and some intransitives]), two moods (non-imperative and imperative [which resembles a subjunctive in some uses], 6 tenses (remote future, today future, present, today past, recent past, remote past) and four numbers (singular, dual, specific plural, animate active plural - in form the animate active plural is the same as the singular, and is only found on certain verbs).
In most descriptions of the language the active and attainative voices have been mistakenly termed transitive and intransitive respectively. Ttransitive, intransitive, passive, antipassive and 'antipassive passive' in the language are syntactic categories, and are formed by the interplay of nominal and verbal morphology, clause/sentence-level characteristics such as word-order, and semantic considerations.
Verb morphology consists of prefixes (aspect, positioning, etc.), suffixes (voice, number, and two fossilised multiplicative/causative suffixes) and endings (tense, aspect and mood). The structural matrix of a verb is :
(prefix)+(prefix)+stem(+FOSSILISED SUFFIX)+(VOICE)+(number)+ending(+ending).
Example:
pabalkabuthamadhin two were laid down across something [which would clear in the context]
pabalkabuthemadhin two lay down (laid themselves down) across something [which would clear in the context]'
prefix: pa- completive
prefix: bal- positional - across
stem: kabutha- place, lay
voice suffix: -Ø attainative, -i active
number suffix: -ma dual
tense-aspect ending: -dhin remote past perfective
Sample verb declension : íma- see, observe, supervise, examine, try, test
Tensed forms
| Case/Suffix | Perfective Attainative | Imperfective Attainative | Perfective Active | Imperfective Active |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| remote future singular | imane | imaipu (imaiparui) | imedhe | imepu (imeparui) |
| dual | imamane | imampu (imamparui) | imemadhe | imempu (imemparui) |
| plural | imamœine | imamœipu (imamœiparui) | imemœidhe | imemœipu (imemœiparui) |
| near future singular | imaipa | imaipu (imaiparui) | imepa | imepu (imeparui) |
| dual | imampa | imampu (imamparui) | imempa | imempu (imemparui) |
| plural | imamœipa | imamœipu (imamœiparui) | imemœipa | imemœipu (imemœiparui) |
| present singular | iman | imaipa | imiz | imepa |
| dual | imaman | imampa | imeman | imempa |
| plural | imamœin | imamœipa | imemœin | imemœipa |
| today past singular | imanu | imadha | imema | imedha |
| dual | imamanu | imamadha | imemanu | imemadha |
| plural | imamœinu | imamœidha | imemœinu | imemœidha |
| recent past singular | imangu | imarngu | imaingu | imairngu |
| dual | imamangu | imamarngu | imemangu | imemarngu |
| plural | imamœingu | imamœirngu | imemœingu | imemœirngu |
| recent past singular | imadhin | imar | imaidhin | imai |
| dual | imamadhin | imamar | imemadhin | imemar |
| plural | imamœidhin | imamœi (imamir) | imemœidhin | imemœi (imemir) |
Non-tensed forms
| Case/Suffix | Singular | Dual | Plural |
|---|---|---|---|
| Attainative Habitual | imaipu (imaiparui) | imampu (imamparui) | imamœipu (imamœiparui) |
| Active Habitual | imepu (imeparui) | imempu (imemparui) | imemœipu (imemœiparui) |
| Perfective Attainative Imperative (Singular Subject) | imar | imamar | imamœi (imamir) |
| (Non-Plural Subject) | imau (imaziu) | imamariu | imamœi (imamœiziu, imamiu) |
| Active Imperative | imi | imemariu | imemœi (imemœiziu, imemiu) |
| Imperfective Attainative Imperative | imadha | imamadha | imamœidha |
| Imperfective Active Imperative | imedha | imemadha | imemœidha |
Nominalised forms
| Case/Suffix | Verbal Noun | Have-Form | Privative | Resultative |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| base form | imai | imail | imaigi | imaizi |
| independent impersonal form (nom-acc) | imai | imailnga | imaiginga | imaizinga |
| stem | imai- | imailmai- | imaigimai- | imaizimai- |
| independent personal form (nom-acc) | ---- | imailaig | imaigig | imaizig |
| stem | ---- | imailga- | imaigiga- | imaiziga- |
Three paradigms that have irregular morphology are:
Si[ ]kai Perhaps/Maybe/Possibly (all dialects except Kalau Kawau Ya - which has invariable sike, sikedh)
masculine sinukai/senukai, feminine sinakai/senakai, general (singular, dual, plural) sikai
Goodbye
Singular yawa, Non-singular yawal
Hey! (word used to attract someone's attention)
mas. kame, kamedh, fem. kake, kakedh, non-singular kole, koledh
In sikedh, kamedh, kakedh and koledh, the -dh final is only found in more emphatic use.
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